UK-EU summit: To talk defence, Starmer has to talk fishing first
Is the EU going to mug off Britain again? It will be our fault, writes Eliot Wilson ahead of the UK-EU summit in London
I don’t expect it to be the most significant entry in your diaries, but today, Monday 19 May, the government will host an EU-UK summit in London. Sir Keir Starmer will welcome the leaders of member states, as well as the European Commission president Ursula von der Leyen and European Council president António Costa for major talks on the future of the UK’s relationship with the European Union.
Britain’s goal: Get a defence deal
The summit is the Prime Minister’s opportunity for the “reset” of relations about which he has talked so much. The agenda is likely to include touring artists, mutual recognition of professional qualifications and a sanitary and phytosanitary agreement covering animal and plant products and veterinary items, all of which were mentioned in Labour’s general election manifesto.
Starmer’s priority, however, is achieving a defence and security agreement with the EU. ADS (the defence and aerospace trade association), the British Chambers of Commerce and TechUK have written jointly to the Prime Minister, copied to von der Leyen and Costa, urging that an agreement should be a “central deliverable” of the summit.
It would be “instrumental in building a strong European industrial and technological base, fostering a pragmatic and inclusive EU defence ecosystem, and enabling the active participation of UK industry in EU-led defence initiatives,” they say.
The last clause is easy to explain. The Commission recently published a white paper on defence and readiness, which I wrote about in March, including a €150bn loan mechanism, Security Action for Europe. This would help member states make up front investments in equipment and technology, but, crucially, can only be spent with companies based within the EU or which have a defence pact with the bloc. That, obviously, does not currently include the UK.
EU’s goal: A wider reset
If that is the British focus at the summit, it does not necessarily have the same weight for EU attendees. Some, notably France, are open about wanting to set defence within the broader context of a “reset” of relations, and they could seek to negotiate on a number of other areas. The Commission has issued a mandate for a youth mobility scheme, but the perennial shark in the water, the thread running through UK-EU relations since Britain joined the Common Market in 1973, is access to fisheries.
Peter Bell, vice-chairman of the British Chamber of Commerce EU, has anticipated this. “Negotiations cannot be protracted by horse-trading on less critical issues,” he warned.
Kevin Craven, CEO of ADS, attempted to scramble up the slopes of the moral high ground: “The longer this process takes, the less likely we are to be able to respond to emerging security threats – despite having the capability, the political will and the moral duty to do so.”
The British have a long and inglorious history of entering European negotiations with our best Boy Scout/Girl Guide mentality, then being astonished and appalled when our interlocutors, understandably and rightly, concentrate ruthlessly on their national interests. It feels like we may be due for a reprise.
The EU no longer owes us favours
For good or ill, the UK’s approach to the European project has always had a different tone to that of our neighbours. But we have to remember that when we left the EU in January 2020, our 27 former partners did not significantly change course. Inevitably they will want to consider the way they interact with Britain in the round, and the obvious yardstick is the mutual relationship they enjoy within the internal market, the Customs Union and the Schengen Area. Free movement and fisheries are just as important for them as defence and security.
The UK is not powerless. Its strong defence sector, links with the United States and other global partners and its nuclear deterrent are all strong cards to bring to the table. But the government’s rhetoric on Europe, and especially on a defence pact, has been so windy and superficial that it is hard to know what it really wants.
Ministers must be realistic and empathetic, and avoid preaching to the other states. Brexit gave Britain much greater freedom of action, but it also meant that the EU owes us no special favours. There will be hard bargaining, but the UK cannot go into the room imagining it can dictate the limits of the agenda. We have often been unfairly characterised as la perfide Albion, but a little more clear-eyed and pragmatic self-interest would stand ministers in good stead.
Eliot Wilson is a writer and strategic adviser